I thought you would like to see the question Richard Solly asked at the BHP Billiton shareholders meeting in London earlier today.
BHPBilliton plc AGM, London, 26 October 2006
Question from Richard Solly, shareholder
My question concerns the Cerrejon mine in northern Colombia, of which BHPBilliton owns a one-third share. I would like to know the company’s response to a number of recent and planned events concerning the mine and some of its customers. I am sure that the Board is well aware of all of them.
A Witness for Peace delegation from the US and Canada which in August visited communities displaced, or about to be displaced, by the Cerrejon mine, found that many people there had urgent health needs which were not being addressed, which seems odd if the mine is bringing prosperity to the region. A further delegation from US and Canada will visit the area again next week, taking health supplies, visiting communities affected by the mine, meeting with mine management and with workers’ union SINTRACARBON.
Contract negotiations between SINTRACARBON and the company will begin next month. The union is expected to include the demands of displaced communities, and communities facing displacement, in its own bargaining position. Community demands will include collective negotiation, collective relocation and reparations.
There have been protests in recent weeks in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia in Canada because local power companies buy coal from the Cerrejon mine. Protesters in New Brunswick called for the power company to pressure the mine to respect the rights of displaced communities. In Nova Scotia they called for the closure of the Trenton power plant. The power plant in Salem, Massachusetts, buys coal from Cerrejon, and both the plant owner and the City Council have called on Cerrejon Coal to respect the rights of displaced communities. In August, the Danish Government announced that further coal purchases from another Colombian coal mine would be suspended until the company involved, US-based Drummond Coal, had established its innocence in the matter of human rights abuses at its operations. At some stage, Cerrejon Coal’s failure to accept the reasonable demands of displaced communities and those facing displacement may affect sales.
Numerous organizations and prominent individuals are calling on the company to honour the rights of both workers and communities, to accept their demands, to ensure that their lives and liberty are respected during and after negotiations, and that in the event of a dispute there will be no military occupation of the mine as there was several times in the 1990s, before BHPBilliton became involved. The list of those supporting worker and community demands and pledging to continue monitoring conditions around the mine includes the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations, the United Steelworkers union in the USA, the Mayor and City Council of Salem, Massachusetts, members of the Massachusetts State Legislature and the US House of Representatives, electoral candidates and members of the Legislative Assembly of New Brunswick, the Colombia Solidarity Campaign in Britain, and the Public Service Alliance of Canada, which represents BHPBilliton workers at the Ekati diamond mine in the Northwest Territories, who have had their own experience of pressure from company management and seem keen to forge bonds with workers and communities in Colombia. Letters from these people will be presented to mine management next week by the delegation from North America and I have copies to give to the Board today.
What is the company’s response?�
HUMANITARIAN CRISIS ON OUR SOUTHERN BORDER
Hundreds of poor people—men, women and children—are dying in our desert each year.
What is happening? Why?
Wednesday October 25
Sullivan Building 209
Salem State College
Lois Martin, professor emerita, will share what she has learned living on the Arizona border and participating in efforts to save lives of migrants crossing the desert.
Sponsored by the Peace Institute and the Latin American, Latino and Caribbean Studies Program
Since religion was not a primary concern in her family, Chomsky recalls having to convince her parents to join a temple so she could attend Hebrew school and become a bat mitzvah. Although her Jewish identity was important to her as a teen, she admits that it has less meaning to her today. Chomsky describes herself as “culturally Jewish, but non-observant.”
Protesters decry use of 'blood coal'
By STEPHEN LLEWELLYN
As published on page A3 on October 18, 2006
GLEANER/STEPHEN MACGILLIVRAY PHOTO
A group of protesters put on a play in front of the NB Power building on
King Street on Tuesday to depict what they claim is how Colombians are
being displaced for coal that is used to produce electricity for NB Power.
Above, protester Asaf Rashid, playing someone from the coal-mining company,
pretends to kick protester Graham Squires, playing a local land owner, out
of the company's way
Social activists demonstrating over the use of Colombia's so-called "blood
coal" protested in front of NB Power's headquarters in Fredericton on
About 10 protesters held a large sign reading "Villages gone to turn our
They also scattered coal on the sidewalk and performed a skit on the
sidewalk about how poor Colombians are driven out of their villages to make
way for a giant coal mine.
"A lot of people in New Brunswick have no idea where their coal comes from
or what happens along the way," said Asaf Rashid of the UNB/STU Social
Justice Society. "We want to expose this issue."
Rashid said that 16 per cent of the electricity generated by NB Power comes
from what he calls "blood coal" from Colombia.
"Paramilitary forces were used to remove the people from their villages,"
he said. "There was brutality. It was a bloody operation ... I think it is
fair to call it blood coal."
There were unconfirmed reports of some villagers being killed, he said.
If the group can get enough publicity, it will put pressure on NB Power to
act and demand that Colombia treat its workers properly and compensate the
villagers who were relocated, said Rashid. People could even delay paying
their power bill, he suggested.
While the demonstration played out on the sidewalk and protesters handed
out information pamphlets, other activists were meeting with NB Power
executives inside the building.
Brian Duplessis, NB Power vice-president of corporate communications, said
the meeting was informative.
"They presented to us what they saw as the social and economic situation in
Colombia," he said.
"They asked us to consider writing letters to the owners of the mine we do
buy coal from and several other parties ... They have not asked us to not
buy coal from Colombia."
He said the social-justice representatives were told NB Power officials
would discuss the situation and get back to them by the end of the month.
Duplessis said NB Power has been burning Colombian coal along with other
coal in its Belledune plant for about 15 years. The plant is designed to
burn that specific coal, he said.
That plant burns up to one million tonnes of coal a year, he said.
He confirmed that 10 to 16 per cent of electricity generated by NB Power
comes from the Colombia coal.
NB Power doesn't have a written policy on human rights at companies that
supply fuel, he said.
Tracy Glynn of the Fredericton Peace Coalition attended the meeting with NB
"There was no commitment made by NB Power but they seemed open to hear
everything we had to present to them," she said. "We want NB Power to
basically write a letter to the coal mining company and the Colombian
government to respect and uphold international labour rights and local
In November the mine workers' union in Colombia is negotiating with the
company for compensation for displaced villagers, said Glynn.
"We want NB Power to write this letter before the negotiations start," she
Glynn said every letter has an impact and let's the company know the world
She also said the coalition is collecting medical supplies to take to small
Colombian villages when a delegation travels there at the end of the month.
Donations can be dropped off at the Underground Café in Fredericton.
COLOMBIAN GOVERNMENT PRESSURISED BY MINING MULTINATIONALS DECIDES TO SUSPEND THE PROTECTIVE MEASURES GIVEN TO THE PRESIDENT OF SINTRAMINERCOL, FRANCISCO RAMIREZ CUELLAR.
THE UNDERSIGNED TRADE UNIONS, HUMAN RIGHTS AND SOCIAL ORGANISATIONS REJECT THE SUSPENSION OF THE SECURITY MEASURES AGREED WITH THE COLOMBIAN GOVERNMENT IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE CAUTIONARY MEASURES DECREED BY THE INTER-AMERICAN COMISSION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN ORDER TO PROTECT THE PHYSICAL INTEGRITY AND LIFE OF THE PRESIDENT OF SINTRAMINERCOL.
In 2000 the company Minercol Ltda in accordance with the collective agreement handed over a car to transport Francisco Ramírez in.
5. In the months of April and May 2006 Francisco Ramírez Cuellar in his capacity as an advisor to Funtraminergetica took part in the negotiations around the strike by the workers in Drummond; at the same time he has played an important role in suing this multinational in the USA and was behind the decision by the Danish government to suspend the importation of coal until the murder of three trade unionists affiliated to Sintraminergetica-Funtraminerge
When the strike was over in the two mining companies, the reprisals weren’t long in coming.
a) Attacks and threats against the leaders of Sintraminergética in the city of Valledupar (dept of Cesar).
b) A further increase in threats, tailings, harassments, spying on the union office and the house of Francisco Ramírez.
c) The management of Minercol Ltda represented by Eduardo Arce Caicedo – Liquidator – and Mrs Monica Illigde – Administrative Coordinator withdrew the protective vehicle and the petrol that they had supplied weekly to Francisco Ramírez.
d) The radio service of the bodyguards was suspended.
e) On the 5th of October 2006 the Administrative Department of Security (DAS) through a written letter signed by Omar Quintero informed Francisco Ramírez Cuellar of the decision by the Colombian government to withdraw his armour plated vehicle and give him a vehicle without armour plating leaving him at the mercy of any attack.
In is noteworthy that recently the DAS carried out a ten minute “security study” which concluded that level of risk was low. Furthermore such studies which have concluded that the risk was medium or low level have been carried out on trade unionists who were murdered days after their security measures were withdrawn or denied.
That the Colombian State comply with the protective measures awarded in favour of Francisco Ramírez Cuellar in compliance with the cautionary measures conceded by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and consequently order that:
a) The armour-plated vehicle assigned to Francisco Ramírez for his security in his capacity as president of Sintraminercol be maintained.
b) The bodyguards be given automatic weapons and radio communication.
c) Order the company Minercol Ltda to return the vehicle assigned in compliance with the collective agreement signed between the workers and the workers union Sintraminercol.
d) Afford the necessary guarantees to Francisco Ramírez Cuellar to carry out his trade union activity freely.
e) Stop any order to carry out an attack on the life of Francisco Ramírez Cuellar, president of Sintraminercol.
To the representatives of the multinational companies that exploit the mining resources of Colombia, the “Aid Agencies” of the governments of Canada and the USA that they bring and end to their policy of aggression against the trade unions and their policy of destroying the social fabric of our nation.
To the International Community; that it demand of the Colombian government and the multinationals that they stop their genocide of the trade union movement, end the impunity in which these crimes remain and that they respect workers rights.
Sintraminercol, Sintramin, UNEB, USO, Human Rights Department CUT (national), Sintraminergética Branch El Paso, Fenaltrase, Fenasintrap, Funtraminergética, CUT (Bogotá and Cundinamarca region), Sintraelecol (Atlantic Coast), ECATE, NOMADESC, ACAVEVA, Sintraentemdiccol, Campaign Prohibido Olvidar, Organización WAYUU MUNSURAT, Sintradepartamento Antioquia,
Colombia, Bogota 4th of October 2006
Please send communiqués to the Colombian Authorities and the Swiss, Canadian and US Embassies with a copy to Sintraminercol.
US Ambassador in Colombia
Mr William Wood, C/ 22D Bis, No. 47-51 Bogotá Ph. 00 57 1 3152112 Fax 00 57 1 3152163
President of the Republic
Álvaro Uribe Vélez, Cra 8 No. 7-26, Palacio de Nariño, Bogotá.
Fax 00 57 1 5662071 Email firstname.lastname@example.org
Vicepresident of the Republic
Minister of Mines and Energy
Hernán Martínez Torres, Avda El Dorado, CAN, Bogotá
Ph 00 57 1 3245262 Fax 00 57 1 3425207 Email email@example.com
Minister of Social Protection.
Diego Palacio Betancourt. Cra 13 No. 32-76 Piso 22 Bogotá
Ph. 00 57 1 3365066 Fax 00 57 1 3360182 Email Dpalacio@minproteccionsocial
Procurator General of the Nation
Edgar José Maya Villazón Cra 5 No. 15-80. Bogotá
Public Defenders Office
Volmar Antonio Pérez Ortiz, C/ 55 No. 10-32 Bogotá.
Fax 00 57 1 6400491 Email firstname.lastname@example.org
Permanent Mission of Colombia To The United Nations in Geneva.
Chemin de Champ d’Arnier 17-19, 1209 Geneva Fax 00 41 22 7910787, 00 41 22 7984555 Email email@example.com
C/ 32 No. 13-07 Bogotá Ph. 00 57 1 2456581 Fax 00 57 1 5612829
SAFE and HealthLink Present
Coal burned in the Salem power plant is imported increasingly from Colombia. El Cerrejón is the world’s largest open-pit coal - four times the size of Manhattan. Expansion of the mine has destroyed several small communities. On the expanding edge of the pit, villagers are being asphyxiated by the dust, their water sources poisoned, and roads to the remaining homes blocked.
Salem State College History Professor Avi Chomsky will show slides, describe and analyse what was learned on a trip to this coal-mining region of Colombia in August, 2006.
Thursday, October 12 at 7pm
at the First Church in Salem 316 Essex Street
How can you help these victims of our energy policies?
Buy a colorful handwoven bag or hat made by the women of Guajira. Give back something to the communities that have suffered so in providing energy for our homes and businesses.
Bring medical supplies to the talk. Avi is leading another delegation to Colombia in late October including medical professionals who will assess the health needs of the people affected by the coal mine and will deliver desperately needed medical supplies.
It Seems Impossible To Believe: A Survivor Describes the Massacre that Destroyed Her Wayuu Community
After living with paramilitaries for several months, one morning in April the village of Bahía Portete, in Colombia’s northern Guajira peninsula, suffered a massacre that left 12 people dead, 20 missing, and 300 displaced, according to the National Indigenous Organization in Colombia (ONIC). On August 4, Francisco Ramírez Cuellar, president of Colombia’s Sindicato de Trabajadores Mineros (Union of Mine Workers), interviewed Débora Barros Fince, a Wayuu indigenous woman who survived the massacre.
Who lives in your community?
Two families live there: The Fince Epinayuu family and the Fince Uriana family.1 They have been there for over 500 years.
What work do you do there?
For a long time our families have lived from fishing and artisanry. Mostly from fishing. We live along the sea coast. People come from Riohacha, and other places, to buy our fish. Or sometimes we trade in the stores.
What kind of trade?
For example, we take our fish to Uribia, and we exchange it for food, to buy rice, oil, sugar, corn. So if we sell 100 kilos of fish, and that’s worth 100,000 pesos, we would bring back 100,000 pesos worth of goods.
Besides the traditional fishing economy, there have also been outside influences in this zone: shipping, multinational corporations. What else is going on there?
In Bahía Portete itself, there are several natural harbors. Boats used to come there from Panama, Aruba, and Curaçao, bringing merchandise. But two years ago the government decided to crack down on this trade, because they said it was illegal. So the only people shipping there now are the Medellín public enterprises, like the Parque Eólico,2 and the Cerrejón Zona Norte coal mine. There were also studies done in the community over 10 years ago showing that there are natural gas deposits there. These are the three elements that are really destroying us.
How did the paramilitary groups begin to come to the area?
They began to arrive in civilian dress, in groups of three or four. We used to see them with a group called the POLFA, which works with the DIAN.3 But we never imagined that they were paramilitaries.
But a few months later, they began to identify themselves as paramilitaries. Especially at night, they would put on their uniforms and say that they were paramilitaries. That was when they began to disrespect the community, to take things. For example, they would come to the stores and ask for things and refuse to pay. People would say, “But why aren’t you paying?” They would respond, “Because we’re paramilitaries, so shut up, because if you don’t we’ll kill you.” They did the same thing if someone had a gas station, and with animals. They would come to the corrals and get on an animal and just ride away, and because it was them, nobody could say anything. And if you did say something, they would abuse you.
Did they work with the police or the army?
It’s a very serious thing to say this, but we are sure that they worked with the police. The police were there, and the paramilitaries were there too. The police knew that they were paramilitaries, because the groups would walk around saying that they were paramilitaries. None of the police said a thing.
It seems impossible to believe. Two Wayuu compañeros were tired of having their animals taken away. They couldn’t stand it any more. So they innocently went to Uribia, which is the municipal headquarters for our area. They went to the police station and lodged a complaint, saying that there were some people in Bahía Portete who claimed to be paramilitaries, who were abusing people and taking their animals.
A half hour later, they were driving their car back to the community, and there was a white Toyota waiting for them. The men in the Toyota took the two of them, and knew exactly who they were. The men said: “Hey you, informer! Why did you go to lodge a complaint against us?” The men from the Toyota tied the Wayuu men up, and killed them right there in the community. This happened last year , at the end of September.
Who were these paramilitaries?
They were from the interior. They talked like paisas [people from Antioquia]. They were white.
After those murders, what else did the paramilitaries do, before the massacre?
Last September , I think it was the 21st, they killed two officers of the POLFA. Those two officers were in front of our house. There was a generator in the house, and the officers said “turn off the generator” so that the lights would go out and it would be dark. So my family followed the orders, and went inside to turn off the generator, and then they heard shots. And the paramilitaries killed one of the officers and dragged him away. And since it was night, nobody said anything. They left the other officer in the doorway of the house.
The two corpses were taken to Bogotá. I remember that the officers’ names didn’t appear in the papers or anything, because they had been killed by the paramilitaries. Nobody said anything. Even the deaths weren’t registered, they just took the bodies away.
So what happened next? One of my brothers, and a cousin, were called to give testimony in the prosecutor’s office in Maicao. Well, the paramilitaries, because they were in touch with people in the prosecutor’s office, knew that the case was coming up. This was February. A lawyer came to my brother and cousin, and said, “No, you don’t have anything to tell, you haven’t seen anything. You know, don’t you, that you haven’t seen anything?” And my brother said, “Right, it doesn’t matter to us, we haven’t seen anything.”
But what happened? The paramilitaries came on February 2 and killed my two brothers. They killed one of them at 6:30 in Portonuevo. They said “give me a pack of cigarettes,” and they shot him in the back. He was 18. Then they went to Portete, to our house. My other brother, who was 24 was a truck driver. He came home to eat at around 7 o’clock at night. They came there, and killed him in front of my mother. Ten men grabbed him and all of them shot him in the face. It was lucky they didn’t kill my mother!
Tell me about what happened when a person lodged a complaint with the army.
That happened a few days before the massacre, around the 15th of April, because the massacre was on the 18th. People were getting nervous because the paramilitaries were saying that they were going to kill people, that they were going to finish up this job because it wasn’t much; there were only two families. They could kill them and the land would be freed up. But I, in particular, didn’t pay much attention. I said to myself, “it’s just talk.”
One of my uncles, though, was getting desperate. My mother and my sister refused to leave the house, and he said, “There is no reason you can’t go out, this is ours, you don’t have to give them anything. We haven’t done anything to them.”
He called up the Cartagena Battalion in Riohacha on his cell phone. It’s almost impossible to believe. He told them, “There are some men here who are paramilitaries, and they are threatening to kill everyone, to destroy the community. We need you to send some troops here.”
And they said “Yes, we know. We are preparing to send some troops over.”
So what happened? A half hour later he got a call on his cell phone. The paramilitaries told him they were going to kill him, that they were going to cut him to pieces. They said a whole lot of things to him. We were just paralyzed when we found out they had called him like that.
What happened in the days before the massacre? Where were you? And what happened during the massacre itself?
I was in Uribia. I was the police inspector for the municipio. The massacre happened on a Sunday. I personally had received threats a week before, saying they were going to kill my family. It happened that they were in the house of an aunt of mine, and my aunt could not stand it any more, and she said, “But why do you have to come here to abuse me?” She was serving lunch, and one of the paramilitaries came and kicked the food. She spoke rudely to him, she said, “I’m going to leave here, I’m going to go somewhere and lodge a protest against you.” Because of what she said, the guy mistreated her.
So they called me, and they said, “Tell her to keep her mouth shut, because if she doesn’t, we’re going to finish her off. And we’re going to kill you too.” And I guess they carried out their threat because they cut all of the women’s heads off, they put a grenade in one woman’s head. All of that … It was a Sunday.
I’ll tell you what happened, quickly. At 6:30 in the morning on the 18th of April, 150 men came down from the Macuira mountain. There is a military base there. A lot of people saw them. My grandmother said that she saw men in uniform, and that she did not pay much attention. I said, “Why not?” My aunt, who was one of those killed, in front of my little cousin, said, “Why should we be afraid? It’s the police, it isn’t those sons-of-bitches who come around here sometimes, it’s the police. We should stay where we are, because it’s the army.” And it was true, it was the army. So they let themselves be grabbed. The men took my aunts by the arms and they pushed my grandmother; she had fractures in her legs when we found her.
People began to run. The children ran because people said, “Go tell so-and-so to watch out, that these are bad people, that they are killing people.” That’s why there are a lot of children missing. The houses aren’t close together, they are far apart. People began to realize what was happening when they began to drag Rubén away.
Rubén Epinayuu. He was 18 years old. They tied him with a chain to a Toyota, and began to drag him. That’s when everybody started running. The majority, practically everybody who escaped, fled to the mangrove swamps. People were also running for the sea. People preferred to drown.
The uniformed men did not kill the women right away. Instead they turned them over to 30 men in civilian clothes, who were the same ones that the community already knew [the paramilitaries]. They are the ones who carried out these massacres.
Do you have the names of the people who were killed, and of the children who are missing?
Yes, I have the names. There is Rosa Fince Uriana, there is Diana Fince Uriana, there is Reina Fince Pushaina, there is Rubén Epinayuu, there is Graciela, a six-year-old girl, there is Vicki, who is seven years old, there is Rolán Fince Eber, Eliso Eber Fince, Nicolás Ballesteros Barros, and Rubén Epinayuu, another Rubén Epinayuu, who is a Fince, Rubén Epinayuu Pushaina.
The children who are missing, whose children are they?
The children who are missing are my cousins. I have a girl cousin, two little boy cousins, they are children of relatives of ours who are from the same community as us.
How old are the children?
They are seven, eight, and nine years old.
What happened after the massacre ended. Did you file any report? Did you go back?
It’s sad to have to tell this, what happened to us. We called the army, we called everybody. It seems impossible to believe. And the army said, everybody said, “No, this is just a conflict between two families, they’ll have to work it out.” That’s what they said, and so we went to get the corpses on April 21, three days after the massacre. We decided that if we were going to die, we were going to die, but we were going to go in, just us women, to pick up the bodies. At first we thought that they had killed the whole community, because nobody was coming out.
It turned out that all of the children, and some of the women, were in the mangrove swamps. They were there for almost three days, drinking salt water, with nothing to eat. That’s why many of the people, when we arrived, were dehydrated.
You said earlier that the paramilitaries wanted to take over the land in Bahía Portete?
Yes, they wanted to be able to use it without interference for drug trafficking. And to bring in arms and export whatever they want through the port. That’s why they wanted to do away with the community.
More or less how far is the area where the massacre took place from the army headquarters?
The army base in Uribia is an hour and 10 minutes away. The other base is a bit further, about two and a half hours away.
What is happening to you now? Where are the people who survived the massacre?
All of us who survived the massacre decided to go to Maracaibo [Venezuela]. Why Maracaibo? Because we don’t trust the Colombian government, we don’t trust the army. It was the army that captured the women so they could be killed. That’s why we made the decision to go to Maracaibo, and ask the Venezuelan government to help us. That’s where we reported the massacre. Because we were afraid that if they realized we were still in the area, they would come and finish us off.
What do you think of Colombian Vice President Francisco Santos’ statement to the press on August 1 that the communities have returned to Bahía Portete?
What the vice president said was a bad joke. How could he possibly talk about the return of the community to Bahía Portete, when the community of Bahía Portete is in Maracaibo? There are 320 people there!
What he said is a lie. Maybe some people have returned to the surrounding areas. But the community of Bahía Portete has not returned, and will not return until we have guarantees for our safety. We will wait until the government gets the paramilitaries out, because they are still there.
Look what they did. Four months have passed, and they put a new military base in Portete. All of the houses are empty, and the paramilitaries are still there. With the army on one side, and the paramilitaries on the other, how could the government think that we would return? What they did was gather some people from the surrounding areas. They brought them to Portete for a few minutes. They distributed a lot of food.
We want to return to our territories, and we are going to return. But we will not return until the government gets the paramilitaries out. The government is using the strategy of not getting rid of the paramilitaries because it does not want us to return. We know that they have an interest in taking over the land.
1. These are not nuclear families, but large extended families or matrilineal clans, which are the main units of Wayuu social organization.
2. An energy-producing windmill project.
3. Policía Fiscal y Aduanera, the Judicial and Customs Police; Dirección de Impuestos y Aduanas Nacionales, the National Tax and Customs Directorate.
This interview was translated by Aviva Chomsky.
Template for letters of support for SINTRACARBON negotiations
1. We (in the U.S. and Canada) receive coal from the Cerrejon mine
2. The union at the mine, Sintracarbon, will begin contract negotiations on November 1.
3. The union has taken a courageous and unprecedented step in including in its bargaining proposal a demand that the collective rights of the Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities affected and/or displaced by the mine be recognized and addressed.
4. The communities are asking for COLLECTIVE NEGOTIATIONS; COLLECTIVE RELOCATION; AND REPARATIONS
5. The labor movement in Colombia has been the target of all-out assault in the past 20 years. Several thousand union leaders and activists have been killed. Not a single one of these murders has been resolved. Assassinations often occur during contract negotiations. In 2001, three union leaders at another U.S.-owned coal mine in the neighboring province were murdered.
6. The government of Denmark has suspended coal purchases from the Drummond mine (where union leaders were killed) until the court case in the U.S. charging Drummond with complicity in the murders is resolved.
1. Absolute respect for international labor norms and human rights and the lives and integrity of Sintracarbon members and all Cerrejon workers during the bargaining process and beyond. No military involvement in any labor dispute that might arise. (In the 1990s the mine was occupied by the army on several occasions during labor negotiations.)
2. That the mine recognize the collective rights of the communities and the union’s demand that these rights be recognized
3. That Dominion Energy and other coal purchasers urge the mine to negotiate in good faith with the union, not militarize any labor dispute, and acknowledge the collective rights of the communities.
1. Our support for the unions, workers and peasants of Colombia who are struggling peacefully for a more just distribution of the country’s resources
2. Our support for the rights of the communities of Tabaco, Tamaquito, Chancleta, Roche and Patilla to collective negotiation, collective relocation, and reparations
3. Our support for Sintracarbon in its struggle for the rights of unionized workers, contract workers, and communities in the mining region.
July 2004 December 2004 August 2005 March 2006 May 2006 September 2006 October 2006 November 2006 December 2006 January 2007 February 2007 March 2007 April 2007 May 2007 June 2007 July 2007 August 2007 September 2007 October 2007 January 2008 February 2008 June 2008 July 2008 November 2008 December 2008 January 2009 February 2009 March 2009 April 2009 May 2009